Friday, August 26, 2011

shakespeare

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The Globe Theatre of 15


Things done well and with a care, exempt themselves from fear


The Globe Theatre in London was where most of William Shakespeares plays were first presented. It was built in 15 by two brothers, Richard and Cuthbert Burbage, who owned its predecessor The Theatre at Shoreditch in north London. Before 15 the Lord Chamberlains Men performed in public primarily at The Theatre, which had been leased by James Burbage, father of Richard.


In the winter of 158 the lease on this theatre was due to expire because of an increase in rent to a level which the Globes company could no longer afford. The landlord was Giles Allen, a puritan, and disapproved of theatrical entertainment. The Chamberlains Men were forced to move to The Curtain, another public playing house near The Theatre. In the meantime the Theatre stood empty. (At this time, while considering alternative playing houses, Burbage purchased the Blackfriars for £600, within the city but under the control of the crown, and not city officials who were almost definitely anti-players. The local residents protested however, so it would be years before the players were allowed to use the Blackfriars as a playhouse.) Negotiations to move back in to The Theatre were at an impasse, the landlord being exceedingly avaricious. In the meantime James Burbage died, leaving the struggle to his two sons. Allens intentions was to demolish the Theatre and to ...convert the wood and timber thereof to some better use... (S Schoenbaum William Shakespeare A Documentary Life, Oxford, 175).


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However, the company owned the wood from which the theatre was built. In the winter after the rent increase, members dismantled the building piece by piece, shipped it across the Thames to Southwark on the south bank and reassembled it there. Allen was powerless to do anything, reporting of the dismantling party (in Schoenbaums book, p 15) as


ryotous...armed...with divers and manye unlawfull and offensive weapons...in verye ryotous outragious and forcyble manner and contrarye to the lawes of your highnes Realme...and there pulling breaking and throwing downe the sayd Theater in verye outragious violent and riotous sort to the great disturbance and terrefyeing not onlye of your subjectes [that Allen claimed were attempting to stop them]...but of divers others of your majesties loving subjectes there neere inhabitinge.


The reconstructed theatre was completed in 15 and was renamed The Globe. Built by carpenter Peter Smith the building was the most


magnificent theatre that London had ever seen. It was situated just a few hundred metres from the Rose Theatre, run by Philip Henslowe and his son in law Edward Alleyn, the famous actor of the time (famous for his portrayal of Marlowes great characters). A year later and feeling the pressure of competition, Henslowe and Alleyn moved to new quarters, building the Fortune Theatre in St. Giles without Cripplegate.


Shares of the new theatre were divided between the Burbage brothers, the land owner Sir Nicholas Brend, and five members of the Lord Chamberlains men Shakespeare, John Heminges, Augustine Phillips, Thomas Pope and William Kemp. It worked so that the Burbage brothers were responsible for half the lease on the land and shared in half the profits. The five players were responsible for the other half of the lease and shared among themselves the other half of the profits. Shakespeares share, as a householder was one-fifth of fifty percent of the profits, or 10% of the total profits. Kemp later departed the Chamberlains Men so Shakespeares share increased in value, but soon two new partners - Will Slye and Henry Condell joined them, so that his share decreased again. In any event, these were the ownership provisions of the Globe and the foundation of Shakespeares prosperity. It is not possible to determine exactly how much Shakespeare earned, but the common consensus among scholars is that it was somewhere near £00 - £50 per year, a very substantial sum by Elizabethan standards. After The Globe had been reopened The Lord Chamberlains Men continued to perform there. Shakespeare created his plays with his unique venue in mind.


The exact physical structure of the Globe is unknown, although scholars are fairly sure of some details because of drawings from the period. The theatre itself was a closed structure with an open courtyard where the stage stood. Tiered galleries around the open area accommodated the wealthier patrons who could afford seats, and those of the lower classes - the groundlings - stood around the platform or thrust stage during the performance of a play. The space under and behind the stage was used for special effects, storage and costume changes. Surprisingly, although the entire structure was not very big by modern standards, it is thought to have been capable of accommodating fairly large crowds - perhaps as many as 000 people - during a performance.


The Globe may have been designed similarly to another of its time - The Fortune. It is said to have been shaped like a cylinder with a thatched gallery roof which was made of straw. The roof had to be coated with a special fire-protectant. In 161 the roof was accidentally set on fire by a cannon during a performance of Henry VIII. The entire theatre burned in about an hour. The Globe was rebuilt a year later but with a tilted gallery roof and more circular in shape. In 1644, 0 years after it was rebuilt the Globe was torn down.


The 1614 reconstruction of The Globe


In 160 Queen Elizabeth died and James VI of Scotland became James I of England. The Jacobean age was initiated. Its practical impact was that the Lord Chamberlains Men, the most popular acting company under the old queen, became the Kings Men and continued to receive royal patronage. No company performed more at court over these years. Between 1 November 1604 and 1 October 1605 the Kings Men performed 11 performances before the King. Seven of these performances were of Shakespeares own plays The Comedy of Errors, Loves Labours Lost, The Merry Wives of Windsor, Othello, Measure for Measure and two of The Merchant of Venice. In spite of the emphasis on comedy, the new reign was known for its cynicism. There was a marked shift to darkness in Shakespeares works of this period.


The theatre was rebuilt in 1614 but 0 years later was demolished by Puritans. A brewery now stands on the site.





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Saturday, August 20, 2011

Acceptance

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We need to accept everyone because everyone deserves to be respected. No matter your race or religion or gender or


We should not entrust the lives and freedom of the defendants in the Criminal Justice System to twelve randomly chosen individuals who enter the court room with a lack of knowledge, and possible prejudices. In the Constitution it states that one has the right to a trial by jury, but this might not be the most desirable option for the defendant. Court proceedings can often delve into complex legal details and sometimes complicated scientific testimonies from medical experts. The uneducated jury would find these details confusing and may choose to disregard the evidence because they do not understand. Then, if the jury is not basing their decision on fact, what are they basing it on? Often a juror may have prejudices which either sway their thinking to “guilty” or “not guilty”. Although the jury is needed in order to connect the court room to members of the community, their role as the chief decider of guilt or innocence is unsuitable because of their lack of legal knowledge, and biases which distort their impartiality.





Lawyer Coaching the Witnesses Good lawyers know how to make their client appeal to the jury. Although the look and disposition of the defendant should have no bearing on the verdict, many jurors enter the court room with prejudices and biases which may influence their decision. Lawyers coach their clients to show pain and remorse for their actions in order to appeal to sympathetic jurors. Looks are also important, because the statistics show that more attractive, clean cut defendants are convicted less than unattractive ones.


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Thursday, August 18, 2011

Humanities

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1. Humanities � Humanities to my understanding means anything related to mankind or the human race in terms of culture such as; art, information, education etc.


. Art � Art to me is an expression or object that is created by either an individual or an act(s) of nature in any kind of form weather it be visual, audio or scent, usually containing some sort of significance and/ or igniting some kind of emotion weather it be pain or pleasure.


. Style � Style to me is an art form or an expression that is appealing based on cultural beliefs. It creates a paradox by fulfilling ones need to express both their individuality and sense of connection with others.


4. Genius � Genius is in my opinion the result or product that is created by an individual or a single act, which was propelled by a combination of action, intellect and determination.


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5. Culture � The meaning of culture to me is a group or civilizations way of thinking and believing or way of living. Weather it be goals, values morals, style, religion, or artistic expression, all members in this group or civilization coincide with there beliefs. that is created by an individual or a single act, which was propelled by a combination of action, intellect and determination.


10. How did the war affect the arts of the twentieth century?


The war affected the arts of the twentieth century by causing a great deal amount of disillusionment. Dada was developed as a result and gave artist an outlet to express their disapproval of the war and the path western values were taking (Sporre, 00, p.548).


11. Explain ‘Abstraction’ in Art?


Abstraction in art is presented in two forms. 1) Reduction of actual imagery into representation of shapes. ) Imagery that is created by the use of color, mass, shadow etc. and its only reference is the object itself (Sporre, 00, p.547).


1. Explain ‘Surrealism’ in Art?


Surrealism in art is the combination of reason/unreason and conscious/unconscious mind into reality. This is then transferred from the artist on to the canvas unconsciously (Sporre, 00, p.54).


1. How do you personally respond to the Postmodern Art shown in chapter 16-18?


To me postmodern art is a sample of past cultural and historical styles or events, taken, broken down and integrated into a new art form. I feel the art itself seems to be a direct reflection of the artist emotions about the event.








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Monday, August 15, 2011

art history paper

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INTRODUCTION





When Otto Demus published his Byzantine Mosaic Decoration Aspects of Monumental Art in Byzantium (148), it was noted that this was the first work to examine Byzantine mosaics in close relationship to their architec­tural context and to the religious outlook they served. Demus concentrates on the Middle Byzantine system of mosaic decoration (i.e., from the end of the ninth to the end of the eleventh century), for it was then, after the termination of the Iconoclastic Controversy which had begun around the second quarter of the eighth century, that Byzantine art and thought seem to have achieved harmonic balance. However, in a section of the book not drawn upon for the following selection, Demus surveys the sources of the Middle Byzantine system, its historical genesis and aftermath, providing the reader who turns to the entire work a good overview of Byzantine art in broader perspective. Of particular interest to the reader of this selection from DemusÕs study is the explan~tion of the nature and significance of the icon, its place in the total decorative scheme of the Byzantine church, and the reciprocal relationship between image and viewer.


For further reading on Byzantine art there are D. V. AinalovÕs The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Art (161), first published in Russian in 100; Kurt Weitzmann, Greek Mythology in Byzantine Art (151); Ernst Kitzinger, �The Hellenistic Heritage in Byzantine Art,� Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XVII (16), 8�115; two works by John Beckwith, The Art of Constantinople (161) and Early Christian and Byzantine Art (170); two popular, well-illustrated works, Andre Grabar, Byzantine Painting (15), and David Talbot Rice, The Art of Byzantium (15); Richard Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (165); 0. M. Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology (165), a reprint of a work published in 111, but still useful for its survey of a wide range of Byzantine art forms; Otto Demus,


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The Mosaics of Norman Sicily (150); Kurt Weitzmann, The Fresco Cycle of S. Maria di Castelseprio (151); L. Ouspensky and V. Lossky, The Meaning of Icons (16); and David and Tamara Talbot Rice, Icons and Their History. C. R. MoreyÕs Early Christian Art, nd ed. (15), has valuable sections on the art of Ravenna; and Cyril MangoÕs �Materials for the Study of the Mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul,� Dumbarton Oaks Studies, VIII (16), is useful for its treatment of the existing mosaics and the publication of documents relating to them. S. K. KostofÕs The Orthodox Baptistry of Ravenna, a fine monograph on an important monument of Ravennate art, stresses the relationship it bears to the art of Byzantium. In The Dome A Study in the History of Ideas (150), Earl Baldwin Smith traces the origins and~meaning of this important feature of both Byzantine and Islamic architecture.


























If they are considered as isolated works, Byzantine mon­umental paintings lose something of their essential


value. They were not created as independent pictures. Their relation to each other, to their architectural framework and to the beholder must have been a principal concern of their creators. In the case of church decoration�the field in which Byzantine art rose, perhaps, to its greatest heights�the single works are parts of an organic, hardly divisible whole which is built up according to certain fixed principles. In the classical period of middle Byzantine art�that is, from the end of the ninth to the end of the eleventh century�these principles seem to form a fairly consistent whole, in which certain features are permissible and even necessary, while others, considered out of keeping with them, are avoided. This system was not purely a formalistic one; it was the theologianÕs concern as much as the artistÕ~1 But its iconographical and its formal sides are but different aspects of a single underlying principle which might be defined, crudely perhaps, as the establishment of an in­timate relationship between the world of the beholder and the world of the image. This relationship was certainly closer in Byzantine than it was in Western mediaeval art.~ Byzantium the beholder was not kept at a distance from the image; he entered within its aura of sanctity, and the image, in turn, partook of the space in which he moved. He was not so much a �beholder� as a �participant�. While it does not aim at illusion, Byzantine religious art abolishes all clear distinction between the world of reality and the world of appear­ance.


The complete realization of the formal and iconographic scheme which grew out of this fundamental principle is, however, an ideal or, at least, an optimal case. The nearest approach to this ideal, the classical solution, is embodied in the mosaic decorations of the great monastic churches of the eleventh century. The principles followed in these monuments of Imperial piety and munificence differ widely from those which underlie early Christian and pre-Iconoclast Byzantine, and still more Western medi~vaJ decorations.


The first thing which strikes the student of middle Byzantine





decorative schemes is the comparatively narrow range of their subject-matter. They show a lack of invention and imagination all the more remarkable when we realize that there existed at the same time in Byzantium a powerful current of highly imaginative art which had its source in the naive imagery of the people. But this current seems to have found expression not so much in monumental painting (save in the provincial hinterland) as in the illustration of popular religious literature, homiletic or allegorical, even of Scrip­tural books such as the Psalter or liturgical compositions such as the Akathistos. In illustrating such texts as these the miniaturists could draw on the store of antique, sub-antique and Oriental imagery which lent itself to an associative elaboration of the written word. No such freedom was either claimed by or permitted to the artists who, as the representatives of official hieratic art, adorned the mosaic-decorated churches of the Byzantine middle ages. The moralistic vein which so greatly influencedthe decoration of West­ern cathedrals, with their didactic and ethical cycles, was likewise entirely outside the Byzantine range. The occupations and labours of the months, for instance, the personified virtues and vices, the allegories of the liberal arts, the expression of eschatological fears and hopes, all that makes up the monumental speculum universale of Western decorations,1 we shall look for in vain inside the magic circle of middle Byzantine mosaic compositions. These latter are to be taken as the Byzantine ChurchÕs representation of itself rather than of Greek or Eastern Christianity; as the product of abstract theology rather than of popular piety. There is nothing original, nothing individual, about middle Byzantine decorations if they are considered from the Western point of view, that is, with regard to their contents. The individual pictures do not aim at evoking the emotions of pity, fear or hope; any such appeal would have been felt as all too human, too theatrical, and out of tune with the tenor of religious assurance which pervades the ensembles and leaves no room for spiritual and moral problems. The pictures make their appeal to the beholder not as an individual human being, a soul to be saved, as it were, but as a member of the Church, with his own assigned place in the hierarchical organization. The stress is not laid on the single picture in isolation that is �common form� to the beholder, since it follows a strict iconographic type, like the suras of the Koran in Islamic decoration, which all the faithful know by heart. The point of interest is rather the combination of the single





170





items of the decoration, their relationship to each other and to the whole. It is in this arrangement that we must look for the unique achievement of middle Byzantine decoration. The single pictures were more or less standardized by tradition; the ever-new problem for the theologian and for the artist was the building up of the scheme as a whole. This is true not only of the content of the pictures, but also of their visual qualities. . . . A majestic singleness of purpose runs right through the Byzantine schemes. Their authors seem to have had as their main aim to represent the central formula of Byzantine theology, the Christological dogma, together with its implications in the organization and the ritual of the Byzantine Church. There are no pictures which have not some relation to this central dogma representations of Christ in His various aspects, of the Virgin, of Angels, Prophets, Apostles and Saints arranged in a hierarchical order which also includes temporal rulers as ChristÕs vicegerents on earth. Historical cycles and subjects from the Old and the New Testaments, or from apocryphal and legendary writings, are inserted in this hierarchical system not so much for their inde­pendent narrative value as for their importance as testimonies to the truth of the central dogma.








THE THEORY OF THE ICON





Every single picture, indeed, is conceived in this sense, and middle Byzantine pictorial art as a whole draws its raison d �eitre from a doctrine which developed in connection with Christological dogma. This doctrine was evolved during the Iconoclastic contro­versy of the eighth and ninth centuries. The relation between the prototype and its image, argued Theodore of Studium and John of Damascus, is analogous to that between God the Father and Christ His Son. The Prototype, in accordance with Neoplatonic ideas, is thought of as producing its image of necessity, as a shadow is cast by a material object, in the same way as the Father pro­duces the Son and the whole hierarchy of the invisible and the visible world. Thus the world itself becomes an uninterrupted series of �images� which includes in descending order from Christ, the image of God, the Proorismoi (the Neoplatonic �ideas�), man, symbolic objects and, finally, the images of the painter, all ema­nating of necessity from their various prototypes and through them from the Archetype, God. This process of emanation imparts to the





image something of the sanctity of the archetype the image, al­though differing from its prototype ,cai-Õ oi~u~av (according to its essence), is nevertheless identical with it KcW i~rr6uÕrcwtv (according to its meaning), and the worship accorded to the image (r~pouic6vÕqa~s TqrIJTtIci7) is passed on through the image to its prototype.


The Christological theme, however, dominated the doctrinal basis of Byzantine theory regarding images not only per analogiam but also in a more direct manner. One of the arguments against pictures and statues put forward by the Iconoclasts had been that any representation of Christ was impossible, since every representation (�n~ptypa4n~) must either depict Him as a mere Man, thereby denying His Godhead and falling into the anathematized error of Nestorius; or with His two natures, divine and human, intermingled (~6ats~, thus following the heresy of Eutyches. The charge of heresy, however, was returued by the Iconodules, who maintained not only that it was possible to represent Christ without falling into heresy, but that denial of this, possibility was itself a heresy. Christ would not have manifested Himself in human form if that form were indeed unfit to receive and express the Divine nature. To deny that He could be represented in the form He took in His Incarnation was to doubt the Incarnation itself and with it the redeeming power of the Passion. The Incarnation could not be considered complete, or ChristÕs human nature genuine, if He were not capable of being depicted in the form of man. The fact that a picture of Christ can be painted furnishes a proof of the reality and completeness of His Incarnation. A painted representation of Christ is as truly a sym­bolic reproduction of the Incarnation as the Holy Liturgy is a reproduction of the Passion. The latter presupposes the former, and the artist who conceives and creates an image conforming to certain rules is exercising a function similar to that of the priest.


Three main ideas of paramount importance for the whole sub­sequent history of Byzantine art emerge from this reasoning on the doctrine of images. First, the picture, if created in the �right manner , is, a magical counterpart of the prototype, and has a magical identity with it; second, the representation of a holy person is worthy of veneration; thirdly, every image has its place in a continuous hierarchy.


To achieve its magical identity with the prototype, the image must possess �similarity� (�ravÕr6Õn~s �rij~ 6~oWx~r~os). It must depict the characteristic features of a holy person or a sacred event in





accordance with authentic sources. The sources were either images of supernatural origin (dXupo~oh)ra), contemporary portraits or descriptions, or, in the case of scenic representations, the Holy Scriptures. The outcome was a kind of abstract verism, governed by a sacred iconography which laid down, enforced and preserved certain rules. In the case of representations of holy persons, this verism made for portraiture in the sense of attaching distinguishing features to a general scheme of the human face and form; in that of scenic representations, for plausibility in the rendering of an action or a situation. If this was done according to the rules the �magical identity� was established, and the beholder found himself face to face with the holy persons or the sacred events themselves through the medium of the image. He was confronted with the prototypes, he conversed with the holy persons, and himself entered the holy places, Bethlehem, Jerusalem or Golgotha.


The second idea, that of the venerability of the icons, follows logically from that of magical identity.4 The image is not a world by itself; it is related to the beholder, and its magical identity with the prototype exists only for and through him. It is this that distinguishes the icon from the idol. To establish the relation with the beholder, to be fit to receive his veneration, the picture must be visible, com­prehensible, easy to recognize and to interpret. Single figures must be identified either by unmistakable attributes or by an inscription. So that they may receive their due veneration from the beholder they must face him, that is, they must be represented in frontal attitude; only so do they converse fully with the beholder (Fig. 6). In a scenic image, which likewise must be characterized by an inscription (to fix its v~roai-aws or meaning, which in this case is not a person but an event), everything must be clear for the beholder to perceive. Details must not detract from the main theme; the prin­cipal figure must occupy the most conspicuous place; meaning, direction and result of the action must be plainly shown; actors and counter-actors must be separated into clear-cut groups. The com­positional scheme which best answers these demands is the sym­metrical arrangement, which at the same time is in itself the �sacred form� par excellence.


Frontality, however, cannot always be achieved in scenic repre­sentations its rigid observance by all the participants in a scene would make the rendering of an event or an action all but impos­sible. No active relationship between the figiires could be established








z6. Virgin and Child with Saints, main apse, Torcello, Cathedral. Mosaic, Late izth Century (Alinari-Art Reference Bureau)








under such a limitation, and the law of plausibility, the demand for authenticity, would thus be violated. This was indeed a dilemma for an art which did not know or at any rate recognize pictorial space. Apart from spatial illusionism, the most natural way of rendering an active relation between two or more figures on a flat surface would have been to represent them in strict profile. The figures would then have faced each other, their looks and gestures would have seemed to reach their aims. But this would have severed their relation with the beholder.5 The attempt was indeed made in such scenes as the An­nunciation, the Baptism, the Transfiguration, the Entry into Jeru­salem, the Crucifixion, the Doubting of Thomas and the Ascension� scenes in which action counts for less than the representation of glorified existence�to depict at least the main figures in frontal attitudes. But in other scenes, where action is the main theme, this was impossible. For such cases, and for almost all the secondary figures in scenic representations, Byzantine art made use of a com­promise between the attitude appropriate to action, the profile, and the attitude appropriate to sacred representation, the full face. The





three-quarter view, combining both attitudes, was introduced; and this even became the dominant mode of projection in Byzantine art. Its ambivalent character allows of either interpretation within the picture as a profile, in relation to the beholder as a frontal view.


In this system there is hardly any place for the strict profile a figure so represented has no contact with the beholder. It is regarded as averted, and thus does not share in the veneration accorded to the image. Consequently, in the hierarchical art of icon painting, this aspect is used only for figures which represent evil forces, such as Satan at the Temptation, Judas at the Last Supper and the Betrayal. From the point of view of form, the face drawn in strict profile is for the Byzantine artist only half a face showing, as it does, only a single eye. It is drawn exactly like a face in three-quarter view in which the half-averted side has been suppressed. This method of con­structing a profile gives the face a curious quality of incompleteness. Formally, something is missing�just as the otherwise indispensable relation to the beholder is left out as regards the meaning. But the evil figures must not receive the venerating gaze of the beholder, and they themselves must not seem to be looking at him icono­graphic theory and popular fear of the �evil eyeÕ~ go hand in hand. Outside the strictest school of Byzantine iconographv the pure profile is also, though seldom, used for secondary figures. Full hack views do not occur at all in the classical period of middle Byzantine art; for to the Byzantine beholder such figures would not be �present� at all.


As a result, the whole scale of turning is toned down in classical Byzantine art. It is as if the figures were somehow chained to the beholder; as if they were forced as much as is compatible with their actions into frontal positions. The generally lowered key gives, on the other hand, a heightened importance to the slightest deviations from strict frontality. The eye, expecting frontal attitudes, registers deviations in posture and glance much more strongly than it would if frontality were the exception, as it is in Western art. The projection used in scenic images is, from the formal aspect, a qualified en face rather than a real three-quarter view.


But even this three-quarter view, apparently, did not seem to the Byzantine artist an entirely satisfactory solution. The gestures and gaze of the figures still miss their aims they do not meet within the picture, half-way between figures engaged in intercourse, but in an imaginary point of focus outside, that is, in front of it. There is a





dead angle between the actors in a scene, an angle which is not quite bridged even by oblique glances. The action takes on a stiff frozen air. To remedy this, to give plausibility and fluency to the repre­sentation, two correctives were applied, at first separately, in two different realms of Byzantine art, but from the twelfth century onwards more or less indiscriminately. On flat surfaces, especially in miniatures, ivories, and the like, movements and gestures were intensified in order to bridge the gap between the figures as the actors in the scene. In a field of art which made use of neither pictorial space nor psychological differentiation, gestures and movements could be intensified only, so to speak, from outside, by a heightening of tempo. Intensity of action was preferably conveyed by locomotion. The figures run towards each other with outstretched hands and flying garments. . . . There is a definite tendency in this method of rendt~ring action to point forward in time, to make the result of the action apparent together with the action itself, and so not only to connect the figures of one picture among themselves, but also to establish a relation between the successive pictures of a narrative cycle.


This remedy, however, satisfactory and fertile as it was in illus­trative pictures of small size, was hardly applicable to monumental paintings on the grand scale. The violent movements would have seemed too undignified, the whirling forms too contorted and coin­plicated. Another means was therefore needed by the Byzantine decorators to bridge the dead angle and save the threatened co­herence. The ~olution they found was as simple as it was ingenious. They placed their pictures in niches, on curved surfaces. These curved or angular surfaces achieve what an even, fiat surface could not the figures which on a flat ground were only half-turned towards each other could not face each other fully without having to give up their dignified frontality or semi-frontality. Painted on opposite sides of curved or angular niches, they are actually facing each other in real space, and converse with each other across that physical space which is now, as it were, included in the picture. The curvature in the real space supplies what was lacking in the coherence of the image (Fig. 7).


The firm position of the painted figures in physical space makes spatial symbols in the picture itself unnecessary, No illusion is needed in pictures which enclose real space, and no setting is required to clarify the position of the figures. The whole of the














7. Annunciation, Church of the Dormition. Daphni Mosaic in squinch. C. iion (Alinari-Art Reference Bureau)











spatial receptacles (such the pictures really are) can be devoted to the figures themselves and to such motives as are required from the iconographic point of view. Restrained gestures and movements are sufficient to establish the necessary contact. A large part of the golden ground can be left empty, surrounding the figures with an aura of sanctity. This golden ground in middle Byzantine mosaics is not a symbol of unlimited space; it need not be pushed back, as it were, in order to leave sufficient space for the figures to act. The~Õ move and gesticulate across the physical space which opens up in front of the golden walls. The shape and the confines of this physical space are not dissolved, but rather stressed and clarified, by the solid coating of gold. The setting of the gold is close and firm, producing a metallic surface whose high lights and shades bring out the plastic shape of the niche.


There is no need, in this formal system, for the figtires engaged in intercourse of whatever kind to approach close to each other. On the contrary, they had to be placed at some distance apart in order that they might be brought opposite each other by the curving of the ground. The resulting distances and empty spaces are filled with a tension, an air of expectancy, which makes the event depicted even more dramatic in the classical sense than violent action and gesti­culation, or a closely knit grouping, could have made it. The crÕsurx





contribute also to the legibility, to the plausibility of the image. The main figure is clearly discernible, because comparatively isolated, and presents itself unmistakably as the main object of veneration.


But the venerability of the icon did not affect its composition alone; it also influenced the choice of material. Controversy about the �matter� (i?vq) of the images played a large part in the Icono­clastic struggle. It was but natural that, to counter the arguments of the Iconoclasts regarding the incongruity of representing the Divine in common and cheap material, the Iconodules should have chosen the most precious material for this purpose. Mosaic, with its gemlike character and its profusion of gold, must have appeared, together with enamel, as the substance most worthy of becoming the vehicle of divine ideas. It is partly for this reason that mosaic played so important a part in the evolution of post-Iconoclastic painting, and indeed actually donfinated it. It allowed of pure and radiant colours whose substance had gone through the purifying element of fire and which seemed most apt to represent the unearthly splendour of the divine prototypes.








ARCHITECTURAL AND TECHNICAL CONDITIONS





These prototypes themselves, to the Byzantine mind, stand to each other in a hierarchic relation, and so their images must express this relationship. They must occupy their due place in a hierarchy of values in which the image of the All-Ruler occupies the central and most elevated position. Clearly, a hierarchical system of images based on the principles which governed the Byzantine ChurchÕs own organization could be fully expressed only through an architectural framework that furnished a hierarchy of receptacles within which the pictures could be arranged. A purely narrative sequence of pictures, in the Western sense, or a didactic scheme could be displayed on almost any surface in almost any arrangement. Whether it was used to decorate portals, fa~ades, interior walls or stained-glass windows did not greatly matter. But a Byzantine programme always needed a special framework, namely that in which it had grown up, and which it was developed to suit. This framework was the classical type of middle Byzantine ecclesiastical architecture, the cross-in-square church with a central cupola.6


The shaping of this architectural type was a lengthy process, and the final solution was arrived at by several concurring paths. The





essential idea seems to have been conceived as early as the sixth century. Architects with widely different traditional backgrounds approached the problem from different sides. . . . There is evidence of a conscious search for a final solution in accord with the liturgical needs and the ~sthetic ideals of the time. Local differentiations gave way before the quest for this ideal type; and, when finally elab­orated, it was never abandoned, and remained the basis of the whole of the subsequent development. Even changes of scale did not greatly affect the dominant idea. The final type, fully evolved by the end of the ninth century, was something strangely perfect, some­thing which, from the liturgical and from the formal points of view, could hardly be improved upon.7 This high perfection might have resulted in sterility, had not the central architectural idea been flexible enough to leave room for variation.


The plan was, in short, that of a cruciform space formed by the vaulted superstructure of transepts arranged crosswise and crowned in the centre by a higher cupola. The angles between the arms of the cross are filled in with lower vaulted units, producing a full square in the ground-plan but preserving the cross-shaped space in the super­structure. Three apses are joined to the square on the east and an entrance hall (sometimes two) stands before it on the west. . . . The cupola always dominates the impression. Even the modern beholder directs to it his first glance. From the cupola his eye gradually descends to the horizontal views.


This process of successive apperception from the cupola down­wards is in complete accord with the aesthetic character of Byzantine architecture a Byzantine building does not embody the structural energies of growth, as Gothic architecture does, or those of massive weight, as so often in Romanesque buildings, or yet the idea of perfect equilibrium of forces, like the Greek temple. Byzan­tine architecture is essentially a �hanging� architecture; its vaults ~ from above without any weight of their own. The columns are conceived ~sthetically, not as supporting elements, but as descending tentacles or hanging roots. They lack all that would make them appear to support an appropriate weight they have no entasis, no crenellations, no fluting, no socles; neither does the shape of the capitals suggest the function of support. This impression is not confined to the modern beholder it is quite clearly formulated in contemporary Byzantine as8 The architectonic conception of a building developing downwards is in complete accord with the





hierarchical way of thought manifested in every sphere of Byzantine life, from the political to the religious, as it is to be met with in the hierarchic conception of the series of images descending from the supreme archetype.


The cross-in-square system of vaults is indeed the ideal receptacle for a hierarchical system of icons. Each single icon receives its fitting place according to its degree of sanctity or importance. .








THE ICON IN SPACE





To describe these mosaics, en cased in cupolas, apsides, squinches, pendentives, vaults and niches, as flat, or two-dimensional, would be inappropriate. True, there is no space behind the �picture-plane� of these mosaics. But there is space, the physical space enclosed by the niche, in front; and this space is included in the picture. The image is not separated from the beholder by the �imaginary glass pane� of the picture plane behind which an illu­sionistic picture begins it opens into the real space in front, where the beholder lives and moves. His space and the space in which the holy persons exist and act are identical, just as the icon itself is magically identical with the holy person or the sacred event. The Byzantine church itself is the �picture-space� of the icons. It is the ideal iconostasis; it is itself, as a whole, an icon giving reality to the conception of the divine world order. Only in this medium which is common to the holy persons and to the beholder can the latter feel that he is himself witnessing the holy events and conversing with the holy persons. He is not cut off from them; he is bodily enclosed in the grand icon of the church; he is surrounded by the congregation of the saints and takes part in the events he sees. .


If, however, the icons were to exist in, and to share, a space which is normally the domain of the beholder, it was more than ever necessary to place them in individual receptacles�in spatial units which are, as it were, excrescences of the general space. Moreover, since the images are not links in a continuous chain of narrative, they must not flow into one another they must be clearly separated and each must occupy its own place in the same manner as the events and persons they represent occupy distinct places in the hierarchical system. The formal means to this end is the separate framing of each single receptacle. The single units are set off either by their characteristic shapes as spatial units, especially in the upper





parts of the building, or, in the lower parts, by being embedded separately in the quiet colour foil of the marble linings. This marble entablature with its grey, brown, reddish or green hues covers practically all the vertical surfaces of the walls in middle Byzantine mosaic churches, leaving for the mosaics only niches in which they are placed like jewels in a quiet setting. Nothing is more alien to the monumental mosaic decorations of these churches in the central area than the almost indiscriminate covering of the walls with mosaic pictures which is found in the twelfth century in Sicily, Venice and other colonial outposts of Byzantine art. In Byzantium itself the mosaics never lose the quality of precious stones in an ample setting. The icons never cease to be individually framed spatial units; their connection with one another is established not by crowded contiguity on the surface but by an intricate system of relations in space.








THE IDEAL ICONOGRAPHIC SCHEME OF THE


CROSS-IN-SQUARE CHURCH





These relations were governed, in the classical period of the tenth and eleventh centuries, by formal and theological principles. .


We can distinguish three systems of interpretation which are found interlinked in every Byzantine scheme of decoration of the leading, centralized type.


The Byzantine church is, first, an image of the Kosmos, symboliz­ing heaven, paradise (or the Holy Land) and the terrestrial world in an ordered hierarchy, descending from the sphere of the cupolas, which represent heaven, to the earthly zone of the lower parts. The higher a picture is placed in the architectural framework, the more sacred it is held to be. The second interpretation is more specifically topographical. The building is conceived as the image of (and so as magically identical with) the places sanctified by ChristÕs earthly life. This affords the possibility of very detailed topographical her­meneutics, by means of which every part of the church is identi­fied with some place in the Holy Land. The faithful who gaze at the cycle of images can make a symbolic pilgrimage to the Holy Land by simply contemplating the images in their local church. This, perhaps, is the reason why actual pilgrimages to Palestine played so unimportant a part in Byzantine religious life, and why there was so little response to the idea of the Crusades anywhere in the Byzantine





empire. It may also account for the fact that we do not find in Byzantium reproductions of individual Palestinian shrines, those reproductions of the Holy Sepulchre, for instance, which played so important a part in Western architecture and devotional life. .


The third kind of symbolical interpretation was based on the Calendar of the Christian year.10 From this point of view, the church is an �image� of the festival cycle as laid down in the liturgy, and the icons are arranged in accordance with the liturgical sequence of the ecclesiastical festivals. Even the portraits of the saints follow to some extent their grouping in the Calendar, and the arrangement of larger narrative cycles is frequently guided by the order of the Pericopes, especially as regards the scenes connected with Easter. Thus the images are arranged in a magic cycle. The relationship between the individual scenes has regard not to the �historical� time of the simple narrative but to the �symbolic� time of the liturgical cycle. This cycle is a closed one, repeating itself every year, during which, at the time of the corresponding festival, each image in turn comes to the front for the purpose of veneration, to step back again into its place for the rest of the year when its magic moment has passed. The profound contrast between this conception of time and that implicit in Western decorative schemes is obvious in the latter a series of scenes illustrates an historical sequence of events, with its beginning and end clearly marked and with a definite direction parallel with the unrolling of the story. In the strict arrangement of Byzantine decorations the time element is symbolical; it is inter-linked with the topographical symbolism of the building, and therefore closely connected with the spatial element. -The flow of time is converted into an ever-recurring circle moving round a static centre. These two conceptions of time correspond to the two dominant architectural types the Western to the basilican type,11 with its rhythmic movement from entrance to apse, from beginning~ to end; the Byzantine to the domed centralized building which has no strongly emphasized direction, and in which the movement has no aim, being simply a circular motion round the centre.


All three Byzantine systems of interpretation, the hierarchical cosmic, the topographical and the liturgico-chronological, are so closely accommodated to the dominant architectural type of the cross-in-square church that they must, in fact, have been elaborated for such a building. Only within this framework could a scheme devised after these principles be satisfactorily placed. Every





attempt, therefore, to adapt such a programme to other types of architecture must have met with great difficulties, and must con­sequently have resulted in a weakening of the original concepts, as can actually be seen in the provinces.








THE THREE ZONES





The most obvious articulation to be observed in a middle Byzantine mosaic decoration is that which corresponds to the tri­partition into heaven, paradise 6r Holy Land, and terrestrial world. Three zones1 can be clearly distinguished first, the cupolas and high vaults, including the conch of the apse; second, the squinches, pendentives and upper parts of the vaults; and thirdly, the lower or secondary vaults and the lower parts of the walls. These three zones are, in most cases, separated by plastic cosmetes�narrow bands of carved stone or stucco which run round the whole edifice.


The uppermost zone, the celestial sphere of the microcosm of the church, contains only representations of the holiest persons (Christ, the Virgin, Angels) and of scenes which are imagined as taking place in heaven or in which heaven is either the source or the aim of the action depicted. Byzantine art from the ninth to the end of the eleventh century made use of only three schemes of cupola decor­ation the Ascension, the Descent of the Holy Ghost, and the Glory of the Pantocrator, the All-Ruler. This peculiarity distinguishes the strict scheme of the Middle Ages from early Byzantine as well as from Italo-Byzantine decoration. In the five cupolas of the Justinianic church of the Apostles in Constantinople,Õ for instance, there had been five different representations, each forming part of the narrative cycle which filled the whole church. After the Icono­clastic controversy, however, and in connection with the subsequent emergence of the symbolic interpretation of the church building, the cupolas were strictly set apart from the narrative cycle. From the ninth century onwards they contained only representations in which the narrative character had been displaced entirely by the dogmatic content. The three themes above-mentioned dominated Byzantine cupola decorations after the Iconoclastic controversy to such an extent that others were scarcely thinkable; even the small cupolas of entrance halls were decorated with them. . .


The second of the three zones of the Byzantine church is dedi­cated to the Life of Christ, to the pictures of the festival cycle. It





harbours the monumental calendar of the Christological festivals and is the magical counterpart of the Holy Land. The cycle of feasts was gradually developed by selection from an ample narrative series of New Testament scenes. It is very probable that the decorations which immediately followed the re-establishment of icon worship did not include any festival icons in the naos. But the austere ideal of the early post-Iconoclastic period was relaxed in the course of the tenth and eleventh centuries. . . . The growth of the festival cycle can also be followed in contemporary ecclesiastical literature there the number rises from seven to ten, twelve, sixteen and even eighteen pictures, the full development being reached from the twelfth century onwards.Õ4 The classical cycle of the eleventh century comprised, at least in theory, twelve feasts, the Dodekaeorta; Annunciation, Nativity, Presentation in the Temple, Baptism, Transfiguration, Raising of Lazarus, Entry into Jerusalem, Cruci­fixion, Anastasis (Descent into Hades), Ascension, Pentecost and Koimesis (Death of the Virgin). To this series were frequently added, in pictorial cycles, a few images which elaborated the story of ChristÕs Passion, namely the Last Supper, the Washing of the ApostlesÕ Feet, the Betrayal of Judas, the Descent from the Cross and the Appearance to Thomas. Other developments were attached to the story of ChristÕs infancy (the story of His parents, the Adoration of the Magi, the Flight into Egypt, etc.) and to that of His teaching (the cycle of the miracles and parables). .


The third and lowest zone of centralized decorations does not contain any scenic images single figures alone make up the �Choir of Apostles and Martyrs, Prophets and Patriarchs who fill the naos with their holy icons�.15 These figures are distributed in accordance with two iconographical principles which intersect each other one that of rank and function, the other that of calendrical sequence. It is the former of these which predominates. Sainted priests and patriarchs are placed in or near the main apse, in a hierarchical order which descends from the Patriarchs of the Old Testament, by way of the Prophets and the Doctors of the first centuries of Christianity, down to the humble priests of the Eastern Church. The Martyrs fill the naos, arranged in several groups the holy Moneyless Healers (the Anargyroi) next to the sanctuaries, the sacred Warriors on the pillars and the arches of the central cupola, and the rest mostly in the transept, distributed in groups according to the dates of their festivals in the liturgical calendar. The third category





comprises the holy Monks, who are placed in the western part of the church, guarding the entrance of the narthex and the naos. Holy women and canonized emperors are depicted in the narthex. But this order is by no means rigid; it allows of variation according to the dedication of the particular church and to its architectonic type. . . . An eternal and holy presence is manifest in the paintings of the highest zone, to the suppression of all narrative and transient elements. There, the timeless dogma is offered to the contemplation of the beholder . . . a sacred world, beyond time and causality, admitting the beholder not only to the vision but to the magical presence of the Holy. In the middle zone the timeless and the historical elements are combined in accordance with the peculiar character of the festival icon, which simultaneously depicts an historical event and marks a station in the ever-revolving cycle of the holy year. . . . Isolated as holy icons and, at the same time, related to their neighbours as parts of the evangelical cycle, the paintings in the second zone are half picture and half spatial reality, half actual scene and half timeless representation. But in the lowest stratum of the church, in the third zone, are found neither narrative scenes nor dogmatic representations. The guiding thought in this part of the decoration�the communion of All Saints in the Church�is realized only in the sum of all the single figures. They are parts of a vast image whose frame is provided by the building of the church as a whole.








NOTES





~J. Sauer, Die Symbolik des Kirchengebaudes und seiner Ausstattung in der Auffassung des Mittelalters, Freiburg i. B., 10.


For a summary of this doctrinal controversy, see K. Schwarzlose, Der Bilder­streit, em Kampf der griechischen Kirche urn ihre Eigenart und Freiheit, Gotha, 180; L. Br~hier, La querelle des images, Paris, 104; N. Melioransky, �Filosofskaya storona ikonohorchestva�, Voprosy Filosofli, etc. II, 107, p. 14 if; L. Duchesne, �LÕiconographie byzantine dans un document grec du IXe s.�, Roma e Oriente, vol. V, 11�11, pp. if., 7 if., 4 if.; A. v. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, Tiibingen, 1, p. 75 if.; C. A. Ostrogorski, �La doctrine des saintes icones et le dogme christologique� (Russian), Seminariuin Kondakovionum, I, Prague, 17, p. 5 if.; Idem, �Die erkenutnistheoretisehen Crundlagen des byzantinisehen Bilderstreites� (Russian with German r~sum6), Ibid., LI, Prague, 18, p. 48 if.; Idem, Studien zur Ceschichte des byzantinischen Bilderstreites, Breslau, 1; Idem, �Rom und Byzanz in Kampfe um die Bilderverehrung� (Russian with German risum~), Sem. Kondak., VI, Prague, 1, pp. 7 if.; E. J. Martin, History of the





Iconoclastic Controversy, London, 10; C. Ladner, �Der Bilderstreit und die Kunstlebren der byzantinisehen und abendlandischen Theologie�, Zeitschrift frr Kirchengeschichte, III, F., I, vol. 50, 11, p. 1 if.; V. Grumel, �R~cherches r6centes sur lÕiconoclasme�, Echos dÕOrient, XXIX, 10, p. if.�What follows here is a very simplified summary of the main Christological arguments used in the controversy.


~ thought can be traced hack to the writings of Germanos, at the end of the seventh century. See Ostrogorski, La doctrine, etc., bc. cit., p. 6.


~ ideas, that of magical identity and that of venerability, had become firmly established in one branch of popular religions art in the fifth and sixth centuries, long before the beginning of the Iconoclastic controversy. See K. Holl, �Der Anteil der Styliten am Aufkommen der Bilderverehrung�, Philothesia, P. Kleinert zu seinem 70. .Geburtstag, Berlin, 107, p. 54 if. The popular belief was that the spiritual force of the venerated Stylites and their power to aid were immanent in their representations. This seems to have been the origin of the belief in the miracle-working power of images.


~ problem is similar to that of representing an action on the stage. But there the solution is renderÕed easier by the fact that the figures are in motion.


more recent bibliography on this subject will be found in the article �Kreuzkuppelkirche�, by W. Zaloziecky, in WasmuthÕs Lexikon der Baukunst, and in various papers by N. Brunov (Byz. Zeitschrift, 7, 17, p. 6 if.; , 1�10, p. 48; 0, 10, p. 554 if., etc.).


~ things, indeed, have kept their form so perfectly and unchangingly as the Byzantine cross-in-square church. An analogy from a different field may illustrate this stationary perfection and completion the violin, whose shape, once perfected, could not be improved upon. Its form is not affected by its scale, whether simple violin or double-bass, just as the form of the Byzantine church remains the same throughout its whole range, from tiny chapel to vast cathedral.


8 See, for example, the 18th Homily of Gregory of Nazianzus, and ProcopiusÕs description of the Haghia Sophia in Constantinople.


~ Simeon of Thessalonike, in Migue, Patrologia Graeca, tom. 155, col. 8 if. 10 The sources of this interpretation are quoted in C. Millet, R&herches, sur lÕiconographie de ULvangile, Paris, 116, p. 5 if.


~ the Western conception, see the writings of A. Schmarsow, especially his �Kompositionsgesetze in den Reichenauer Wandgemalden�, Rep. fur Kunstwiss., vol. XXXVII, 104, p.61 if., and Kompositionsgesetzein der Kunstdes Mittelalters, Leipzig, 115.


1 This division of the architectural decoration into horizontal zones is in strict accordance with Byzantine and early Christian, as opposed to antique, cosmog­raphy. See D. Ainalov, Ellenisticheskiya osnovy eizantiyskago iskusstva, St. Petersburg, 100; and Rep. fhr Kunstwiss., XXVI, 10, p. 6.


�A. Heisenberg, Grabeskirche undApostelkirche, II, Leipzig, 108. The Pantoc­rator programme of the central cupola was the result of later changes. See N. Malicky, �Remarques sur la date des mosaiques de lÕ6glise des Stes Ap6tres k Constantinople�, Byzantion, III, 16, p. 1 if. with bibliography.


��C. Millet, R&herches, op. cit., p. 16 if., with texts.


�After PhotiusÕs description of the Nea of Basil I. See 0. Wulif, Altchristliche und byzantinische Kunst, II, Potsdam, 14, p. 551.





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Saturday, August 13, 2011

Generation X

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Generation X, children of Baby Boomers, is perhaps a unique generation that has been the most discussed and criticized to date. They have been early viewed with negative assumptions as slacker, cynics, and pessimists. Many descriptions about Generation X’s poor work ethic have expressed to be lazy, arrogant, and irresponsible. Yet when coming to training, and retaining, they are particularly described as best employees with unique skills and talents in the different kind of work environment. In order to have a clear understanding of Generation X controversy, the review of media myths in different period of time about this generation should be considered. Contrary to many criticizing and misconceptions of generational differences, Generation X are recognized as hardworking, creative, and self-confident employees in the professional workplace.


Four related resources are used to explain the Generation X’s unique story. First is a speech “The Real Generation Gap”, written by Marianne M. Jennings, a Legal and Ethic Studies and Business professor at Arizona State University about the expansive gap between Baby Boomers and Generation X. By identifying five gap areas skill, knowledge, critical thinking, work ethic, and morality in which students in Generation X have most troubles,


Various researches have been done to describe the generational gap subject between Baby Boomers and Generation X. One of them is a common speech “The Real Generation Gap” written by Marianne M. Jennings, a Legal and Ethic Studies and Business professor at Arizona State University. In her speech, Jennings identifies five different areas skill, knowledge, critical thinking, work ethic, and morality in which Generation X students have most troubles. Particularly in the work ethic gap, she


While concentrating on the work ethic area, Jennings reveals Generation X’s irresponsibility and selfishness as many of them decide to enjoy the available living conveniences supported from family instead of achieving one for their own. For this reason, she starts to question their obtaining intentions of “The desire for independence” (08).


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Work Cited


Jennings, Marianne M. “The Real Generation Gap.” Perspectives on Contemporary


Issues. rd ed. Ed. Katherine Ackley. Boston Thomson Heinle, 00.


04-1


Please note that this sample paper on Generation X is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on Generation X, we are here to assist you. Your persuasive essay on Generation X will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.

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Friday, August 12, 2011

Guitar highway rose

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- -


Lowry’s story focuses on the two main characters � Rosie and Asher � who run away together


causing considerable alarm to their respective parents and resulting in their being listed by the


police as “missing persons”. Their return is ironically precipitated by their own involvement in the


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search for another “missing person” � the young girl Angel who is discovered in their tent.


Lowry deftly manages the course of this narrative employing the postmodern technique of multiple


narration that enables the reader to see the events and characters from different perspectives. This


is an ideal book to engage adolescent students since it addresses issues of immediate concern in a


story that challenges their reading positions.


SELF-PORTRAIT


Introduce students to the notion of a self-portrait. You might like to show some self-portraits by


visual artists or photographers as well as some portraits by writers.


Encourage them to consider what a self-portrait reveals about the person from the point of view of


the audience. Suggest that they consider both what a self-portrait reveals and what it might seek to


conceal. They might consider what affect the audience might have on how a self-portrait is


constructed.


Ask students to examine the brief self-portrait of the writer that is included in the front of the book.


Brigid Lowry was born in New Zealand and lives in Perth. In previous incarnations she has been a


flower child, a waitress and a schoolteacher. She loves to cook, swim and look in her letterbox, and


has been known to waste whole afternoons daydreaming in the library. Her star sign is Aries, and


she has a tattoo of an island, a palm tree and a planet on her left shoulder.


Ask them what this reveals about the kind of person the writer Brigid Lowry is projecting herself as.


Ask them to consider what is not revealed in this self-portrait. What might Brigid Lowry include in a


self-portrait if she were approaching Allen and Unwin to publish her book or the Australia Council to


give her a grant for researching and writing a book?


Examine Rosie’s “self” portraits (p11, 1, 1-1, 15-16). Discuss the different self-portraits that


Rosie constructs. Have students discuss the notion of self or identity in relation to these self-portraits.


What is the effect on the reader of the fictional portrait of “Old Time Rose”?


Have students write a series of self portraits for different audiences � eg teacher, a prospective


employer, a friend, a public relations media consultant, etc. Students might also like to complete a


fictional self-portrait of the person they might like to be.


Allow time for the sharing of these portraits and encourage discussion of the ways in which they


have been shaped for the specific audience.


RESEARCHING LOCATION AND SETTING


The novel is set in Western Australia. There are references to locations around Perth and Fremantle


as well as to other towns such as Geraldton and Kalbarri up north and Eucla towards the east.


Moreover, Byron Bay figures prominently as the place that Asher has come from. Have students


research these places locating them on a map and finding visual images that illustrate geographical


features and aspects of lifestyle. Ask them to imagine they were planning a trip to one of these


places and work out what they would want to do when they arrived. Allow time for each group to


present their imagined trip to the rest of the class.


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Thursday, August 11, 2011

How To Be A Christian

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How to be a true Christian





Being a true Christian is something that I enjoy being. Something, that everyone should also enjoy being. Sometimes it is quite hard to do, especially if you have to deal with the type of people that I have to deal with everyday. In order to be true Christians, you have to have self discipline. In order to do that, you will need to practice Bible study, faith, and prayer everyday.


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The first step in being true Christians is Bible study. Bible study is a key factor in becoming a true Christian. Without the Bible, Christians cannot truly understand what God wants them to do. The Bible teaches us instructions before leaving the earth.


Secondly, having faith is a must. Faith is the evidence of things not seen that we hope for. According to Pastor Mike, “For we should walk by faith, and not by sight.” So, if you believe what The Word says, regardless of your situation and physical symptoms, then you are believing in the right way, and that is what brings the results. Christians just have to believe that God will see you through the good times and bad times. Remember as a true Christian, you will have to be patient and just wait on the lord.


Finally, Prayer is extremely important in becoming a true Christian. Prayer is like your phone call to God. When you pray, you can ask God to help you overcome anything. Also while praying, pray for others as well. Praying to God will strengthen the relationship that you have with Him and it will also help you to become a true Christian.


So, therefore if you want to be a Christian, that is great! If you want to be a true Christian, you will have to practice Bible study, faith, and prayer all the time. If you do all of the above at all times and not just when you are in trouble, you will eventually become a true Christian.





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Tuesday, August 9, 2011

Iscors attempta TO PROTECT ITSELF AGAINST DECLINING GLOBAL STEEL PRICES

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The South African Steel industry suffers from erratic and volatile prices and market conditions. Iscor is trying many avenues to protect itself in the event of serious price declines, included in these are


„h Trying to be one of the lowest cost producers in the world,


„h Trying to increase local demand for their product,


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„h Domestic sales are at import parity. (I.e. at Dollar related prices)


„h When Iscor unbundled, it retained ownership of its iron ore supply.


Iscor maintains that orders have increased, however the growth and profitability of the Business depends on


„h The local economic growth,


„h Steel Prices and


„h The exchange rate.


The South African Steel industry places heavy reliance on the rand-dollar exchange rate as a source for competitive advantage. At R10,40 to the dollar, exports to country¡¦s with stronger currency¡¦s becomes more attractive. The industry is however still battling to curb the high internal transport costs which leaves South African coastal areas vulnerable to cheap imports as they are away from local production areas. The lack of protection to the steel industry by the government makes the domestic steel industry particularly vulnerable to the dumping of steel, especially since the American market, the largest steel consumer has been restricted to many foreign suppliers. These suppliers are therefore looking for new markets and as a result Dumping could become a problem that South Africa would have to deal with.


The South African Steel industry has benefited tremendously from the weaker Rand, with over 50% of its revenues being derived from exports, however the decrease in the global steel prices has offset the gains derived over that period. Iscor has also on occasion hedged its sales forward as it has done earlier this year at an exchange rate of R.7 to the US Dollar. This has resulted in an opportunity loss of over R40 million, however this situation has been greatly reduced and Iscor should gain substantially from the weaker rand in the second half of the year. The weak rand is an important factor, but increasing steel prices, together with its import parity pricing, mean that Iscor is selling its steel for a lot more both locally and abroad. The increased cost associated with the transporting of steel has resulted in Iscor attempting to substitute exports for local sales as a long-term objective. Iscor benefits from this as all domestic sales are at Dollar related prices, which means that Iscor still receives the benefit of increased Dollar prices, should the currency depreciate further. Iscor maintains that local demand has increased recently indicating that the product substitution is already taking place. Over 70% of Iscor¡¦s costs are Rand denominated, which gives the company a major competitive advantage over its competitors and the ability to absorb the short-term price fluctuations. Iscor maintains that the best protection against declining prices is in operational stability and as a result of this, they have entered into a performance-related agreement with Anglo Dutch steel producer, LNM.


The Global steel industry is experiencing a worldwide crisis, which is resulting in major consolidation amongst the industry players. Iscor therefore felt the need to be associated with a major player in the market, that would assist in securing greater financial Muscle, buying power and future growth opportunities which would help it weather the shock of reduced prices in the competitive global steel industry. Iscor¡¦s predictions are that global steel prices will remain at their current prices for the remainder of the year due to a slump in world prices because of an oversupply of steel and the lack of production control by some of the bigger players in the industry. The benefits of having a Rand cost basis gives Iscor a strong potential to grow. Another factor that is greatly depressing the global steel markets is the anti-dumping regulations in the US. Although the restrictions have not directly affected Iscor at present with thanks to the South African governments free trade agreement established between South Africa and the US. It has contributed to the oversupply of steel internationally, and has resulted in the affected suppliers looking to sell their products to other countries, which is placing pressure on the already low global steel prices.


Iscor¡¦s attempts to minimise the impact of the declining steel price has been met with extreme criticism and accusations that the company was acting monopolistically by aligning its steel prices to that of the international dollar prices for the steel. Iscor has merely dismissed the Criticism of it pricing policy as misinformed and appears ready and willing to defend and oppose any charges brought against the company on its pricing policy. Iscor maintains that it operates in a global environment and since Steel is an internationally traded resource, its prices followed a similar process to other internationally traded resources like Gold, platinum and petroleum. Due to this, Iscor will react accordingly in global price fluctuations that would affect the global steel industry. If major overcapacities become present and supply is greater than demand, the result would be a reduction in international prices. This would result in Iscor having to reduce local prices, to pass the benefit to local consumers and to ensure that domestic market share is not threatened by foreign competitors. However if the global steel price increases, then Iscor adjusts its domestic prices accordingly and in line with the international price changes. Iscor also maintains that the critic¡¦s of its pricing policy fail to understand that Iscor also faces price increases from both domestic and international suppliers which has to be built into its prices. Approximately 0% of Iscor¡¦s input costs are directly Dollar based and a further 17% is indirectly Dollar Based, so that when the Rand Depreciates, Iscor¡¦s costs increase.





Iscor maintains that its attempts at increasing domestic demand is working as domestic South African steel users have the benefit of receiving high quality steel that is dispatched from Iscor operations. Another benefit is the shorter waiting periods for deliveries experienced by South African steel users than if they had imported steel from abroad. Iscor is well aware that due to the volatile prices of the global steel industry, it needs to become more competitive and can only achieve this by being one of the lowest cost producers in the world. If Iscor can achieve this then it stands a better chance of surviving the short term price fluctuations. To enable Iscor to become a low cost producer, the company has benchmarked all of its operations against international best practices. Iscor has also completed several years of re-engineering and it now has title to some of the lowest cost steel mills in the world. Also when Iscor unbundled, it retained ownership of its iron ore supply. Kumba mines the iron ore in return for a management fee, therefore Iscor can escape huge price fluctuations.Anglo Dutch group LMN has shown strong indications of obtaining a controlling shares in Iscor, with their current holdings of just under 5%. The result is that LMN investment into Iscor help to keep it at the cutting edge of new technology in the industry as well as give them access to new markets. LMN has plans to invest $70m. The results of this are that the cost of production is likely to decrease. This will have a positive impact on Iscor¡¦s profitability.





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Monday, August 1, 2011

How would your ideal secondary school be structured with regard to the sexes ?

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How would your ideal secondary school be structured with regard to the sexes ?


Statistically, in recent years girls have out-graded boys in most examinations. Girls have been consistantly beating boys at GCSE, A-Level and, now even degree level.


This is often put down to girls having longer concentration spans than boys. I agree that this may indeed contribute to girls out-achieving boys. I think this because, obviously, the longer someone concentrates, the more they are likely to learn. This would suggest, to me, that for girls, it would be better to have single sex schools. This is because if girls achieve more than boys then it is bound to be better to have the girls working by themselves in a single sex environment.


The main shift in examination results came when coursework was added to GCSEs. This has had a major affect on boys and girls. Girls have found coursework an easy way to gain extra marks. Girls seem to be more willing to work. Boys, however become distracted at home and they might think they have better things to do. This is perhaps why girls are overtaking boys in the league tables. Many people suggest that, because boys were achieving more highly than girls, the governing board added coursework to GCSEs in order to benefit the girls. I believe this statement to be incorrect and a biased view. This again shows the vast differences between the sexes, which would imply different teaching would need to be employed when teaching either a boy or a girl.


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Boys seem to prefer precise tasks which do not involve vast ammounts of work to do at home or too much initiative. This is perhaps why coursework benefits girls. Girls seem to have more initiative and are more prepared to work out of school. This again supports the arguement that single sex schools are better for both sexes.


Many girls think that, when having boys in the class there is a distraction and therefore prefer working in single sex environments. Girls also suggest that they feel uncomfortable when boys are in the room. Girls also feel that boys try to make themselves look clever which again irritates and distracts the girls.


Another suggestion why girls would benefit from mixed schools is that they are more dedicated to work and want to achieve more. Boys,however seem to not care and just mess around. This would again annoy the girls that are trying to work and may lead to a hostile working environment.


All of these statements so far suggest that girls would prefer to be in single sex schools. This is probably half the truth because, all though they want to achieve more and therefore dont want boys around, they would however like to have boys around at break times. They seem to want to have the best of both worlds. This means that girls would, obviously, like to achieve as highly as possible and they are prepared to work, but they would also like to have boys in their school to socialise with.


There are some other reasons why girls might not want boys in their classrooms during lessons. For instance the girls may feel under a lot more pressure to do well or even, on occassions, do badly.


I conclude that, ideally, girls would like to have single sex classes, during lessons, but during break times it would appear that they would like to have boys around. The obvious reason why girls would like to have boys around at break times to socialise with them in and out of school. The reason for girls wanting single sex classes is that they fell that they can achieve more without the distraction of boys.


Boys, however, seem to prefer to have mixed schools all of the time. Their reasoning behind this is, that in single sex schools they dont achieve as highly as girls therefore mixed schools would be better. I, personally, agree with this. The main arguement against this statement is that the only reason that girls achieve more is because they are more dedicated and have longer concentration spans. This arguement, if correct, would imply that even if boys were in mixed schools, girls would still achieve better results than them. This, compounded with the fact that boys are easily distracted, suggests that, perhaps, single sex schools would be better for the under achieving boys.


I believe that if boys had girls in their class rooms, then they would not be thinking of girls as much as they would do in single sex schools, some people, however argue that this isnt the case. They disagree because girls are out achieving boys and because of this the girls should not be dragged down by the boys.


I believe that having mixed schools would improve the education system because it would have boys competing with each other to show off to the girls about how intelligant they are. This, however, could have an adverse effect. This would be where boys or girls would be showing off to the opposite sex about how rebellious they are.


I conclude that there are many arguments for and against single sex schools but boys and girls would, in my opinion, prefer different systems.


We would not know which system works the best until put into practice, but personally I believe that the mixed system would be the best system.








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